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The progression of political powers toward authoritarianism orients a sizable segment of the population not only toward obedience but toward denial of the oppressive nature of their submission, the beginning of a slippery slope th...
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The progression of political powers toward authoritarianism orients a sizable segment of the population not only toward obedience but toward denial of the oppressive nature of their submission, the beginning of a slippery slope that starts with experiencing the imposed nature of the oppressive rules to then adopting them a-critically to finally denying both the internal and external evidence of their existence. To prevent that loss of freedom of thought, speech, and action it becomes imperative, when totalitarianism in any of its versions looms on the political and personal horizon, to preserve the critical capacity to speak and to rebel against any oppressive injunction in order to prevent a self-censoring conceptual and pragmatic adaptive constriction, with dire ethical implications. It is equally important to help those already caught in a self-censoring worldview to recover the words and the capacity to think and act critically lost in their previous experiences.
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The aim of this article is to analyze Turkey's recent authoritarian transformation from a critical political economy perspective and to examine the main determinants of, what we call, the 'authoritarian consolidation attempt' of t...
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The aim of this article is to analyze Turkey's recent authoritarian transformation from a critical political economy perspective and to examine the main determinants of, what we call, the 'authoritarian consolidation attempt' of the Justice and Development Party (AKP). For that purpose, first, we sought answers to the following question: why did the AKP engage in a more authoritarian political agenda in the 2010s? We critically review the literature on the contemporary dynamics of authoritarianism, particularly focusing on two explanatory frameworks, competitive authoritarianism, and authoritarian neoliberalism. We argue that the crisis of authoritarian neoliberalism did not end up with democratization in Turkey in the 2010s, rather the power bloc initiated a strategy of the authoritarian fix as a reaction to the multiple crises that were a combination of the state crisis and the crisis of capital accumulation regime. Second, we analyzed how authoritarianism in Turkey is en route to consolidation in the aftermath of the transition to the Turkish presidential system in 2018, and what the fundamental factors of this consolidation are. We investigated the main features of Turkish presidentialism following the three-dimensional framework of authoritarian consolidation, including infrastructural, despotic, and discursive power analyses. As a result, we suggest a critical political economy account to unfold contemporary dynamics of authoritarianism based on the Turkish case.
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The 'third wave' of democratization has resulted in the proliferation of regimes that are neither fully democratic nor classic authoritarian. To capture the nature of these hybrid regimes, the democratization literature has come u...
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The 'third wave' of democratization has resulted in the proliferation of regimes that are neither fully democratic nor classic authoritarian. To capture the nature of these hybrid regimes, the democratization literature has come up with a wide variety of adjectives as descriptors of different forms of democracy and authoritarianism. This article reviews two of the most systematic recent approaches, centring on the concepts of 'defective democracy' and 'electoral authoritarianism'. An important limitation of both approaches is that each covers only one side of the spectrum. Where they meet in the middle, confusion arises. As a remedy, the article suggests to embed the concepts of defective democracy and electoral authoritarianism in a 'double-root strategy' that maps the full range of contemporary regimes from both sides of the political spectrum.
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This article applies a regime cycle framework to understand patterns of change and continuity in African competitive autocracies. We observe that regime change in African autocracies is rarely the result of actions carried out by ...
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This article applies a regime cycle framework to understand patterns of change and continuity in African competitive autocracies. We observe that regime change in African autocracies is rarely the result of actions carried out by rebels, opposition leaders or popular masses substantially altering the structure of power. Instead, they are more frequently carried out by senior regime cadres, resulting in controlled reshuffles of power. We argue that such regime shifts are best explained through a cyclical logic of elite collective action consisting of accommodation and consolidation, and ultimately leading to fragmentation and crisis. These dynamics indicate the stage of leader-elite relationships at a given time, and suggest when regimes may likely expand, contract, purge and fracture. We argue that, by acknowledging in which stage of the cycle a regime and its senior elites are dominant, we can gauge the likelihood as well as the potential success of a regime change. Our framework is finally applied to understand recent regime shifts in competitive autocracies across Africa.
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Abstract Growing conventional wisdom suggests that authoritarian legislatures prevent oil nationalizations in party-based regimes. However, country scholars and media outlets remain skeptical. We develop a theory aligning with the...
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Abstract Growing conventional wisdom suggests that authoritarian legislatures prevent oil nationalizations in party-based regimes. However, country scholars and media outlets remain skeptical. We develop a theory aligning with the skeptics. We argue that oil expropriations and legislative closures are endogenous to the process of the consolidation of party-based autocracies. New authoritarian parties close legislatures when they seize power and do not reopen them until they can ensure their dominance of the new legislature, a process abetted by oil expropriations. We test the argument using recently developed cross-case comparative Bayesian qualitative techniques. Evidence shows support for our theory. Our findings suggest that authoritarian legislatures are less constraining in terms of oil nationalizations than new conventional wisdom suggests. Additionally, our evidence points to a different interpretation of the role legislatures play in the evolution of authoritarian regimes.
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Theoretical models on autocracies have long grappled with how to characterize and analyze state sponsorship of repression. Moreover, much of the existing formal literature sees dictators' behavior as determined by one type of oppo...
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Theoretical models on autocracies have long grappled with how to characterize and analyze state sponsorship of repression. Moreover, much of the existing formal literature sees dictators' behavior as determined by one type of opposition actor alone and disregards the potential role played by other types of actors. We develop a contest model of political survival with a ruler, the elite and the opposition, and show how the ruler needs to respond to revolutionary pressures while securing the allegiance of his own supportive coalition. We find that the ruler's reliance on vertical and horizontal repression is antithetically affected by the country's wealth and the optimal bundle of vertical and horizontal repression has important consequences for the regime's political vulnerability. Our hypothesis about the impact of wealth on repression is strongly borne out by the empirical results, which are robust to endogeneity concerns. Journal of Comparative Economics 45 (2017) 410-428. University of Warwick, UK; University of Namur, Belgium; Montpellier Business School, France. (C) 2016 Association for Comparative Economic Studies. Published by Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
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Messages of threats and dangers are very efficient and persuasive tactics that reward the user. Threats and dangers that arouse fear and insecurity create support for the perpetrator's position, freeze the beliefs, and feed the ma...
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Messages of threats and dangers are very efficient and persuasive tactics that reward the user. Threats and dangers that arouse fear and insecurity create support for the perpetrator's position, freeze the beliefs, and feed the maintenance of the position. This feeding is powerful because the collective orientation of fear and insecurity is not only maintained by the experiences of society members but also strongly reinforced by leaders, who build their case by using and misusing their powerful persuasive forces. To understand these processes, one has to realize that fear and insecurity are connected psychological constructs. The present article describes the nature of each of these constructs on the individual and collective level. Then it elucidates factors that influence their arousal, focusing on the role of external sources (leaders), collective memory, and political ideology. The last part elaborates on the potent influence that fear and insecurity have on the psyche of the individuals and collective. The conclusion connects excerpts from 6 leaders' speeches intended to evoke fear and insecurity presented at the beginning of the article and their meanings.
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The impact of 'authoritarian legacies' on successor democracies has been widely researched with reference to every type of non-democratic regime. However, scant attention has been devoted to hybrid regimes legacies, despite the gr...
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The impact of 'authoritarian legacies' on successor democracies has been widely researched with reference to every type of non-democratic regime. However, scant attention has been devoted to hybrid regimes legacies, despite the growing relevance acquired by these regimes in the last decades. This paper deals with the legacies of Levitsky and Way's Competitive Authoritarian model, evaluating their impact on successor democracies through an analysis of the Croatian case. The research shows that the legacies of the Tudman's regime significantly affected the Quality of Democracy in Croatia. The innovative capacity of the former regime and the continuous nature of the transition explain this relevant impact, only partially moderated by the influence of important international actors (EU).
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This paper appraises the state of the field on hybrid regimes by depicting the tensions and blurred boundaries of democracy and authoritarianism “with adjectives.” An alternative conceptualization and ordering of regimes are sub...
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This paper appraises the state of the field on hybrid regimes by depicting the tensions and blurred boundaries of democracy and authoritarianism “with adjectives.” An alternative conceptualization and ordering of regimes are subsequently introduced using a configurative approach. Rather than place regimes on a linear continuum from authoritarianism to democracy, it highlights the multi-dimensional arrangements possible for the construction of regime types. The configurative approach also provides an analytically useful way to measure and integrate hybrid regimes into our classificatory schemes. As a result, it helps alleviate the conceptual confusion in the literature and contributes to a discussion of hybrid regimes beyond the framework of authoritarianism. The paper concludes by presenting a list of all hybrid regimes in the world between 1990 and 2009 identified with this method.
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Developing AI technologies has been a priority for governments worldwide, mobilizing actors to build strategies and policies to accelerate and deploy AI in industry, markets, and governments. With that in mind, this paper analyzes...
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Developing AI technologies has been a priority for governments worldwide, mobilizing actors to build strategies and policies to accelerate and deploy AI in industry, markets, and governments. With that in mind, this paper analyzes the causal mechanism between political regimes' institutional dynamics and AI's development. Specifically, it compares 30 developing countries to understand the political and governance dynamics that explain the outcomes achieved with AI policy. Delving into the relationship between politics and policy, this paper reflects on how different institutional frameworks produce different results in terms of AI development. The research was based on data from the Bertelsmann Stiftung's Transformation Index (BTI) and the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), using fuzzy-set quantitative comparative analysis (QCA) to analyze cases. The findings point to authoritarian countries performing better in producing AI development outcomes.
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